Articles » 22 September 2006 » Hit: 203
Piety and Pragmatism: Trends in Indonesian Islamic Politics [April 2003]
HIDAYAT NURWAHID & ZULKIEFLIMANSYAH
Recent years have seen a marked expansion of democratic government in developing countries, and Indonesia is no exception.The end of authoritarian rule began in 1998 with the resignation of President Suharto and the acces-
sion of his vice-president, B. J. Habibie. After more than four decades of authoritarian rule, a parliamen- tary election was held in June 1999. Forty-eight par- ties competed, with 21 winning at least one of the
462 contested seats in parliament. Simultaneous elections were held for legislatures in 26 provinces and more than 300 districts and municipalities. In October, the People’s Consultative Assembly chose a new president and vice president for the 1999-2004 term.
At the national level, the seven most popular par- ties were: PDI-P (Indonesian Democracy Party- Struggle), which won 34 percent of the vote and 153 seats; Golkar, with 22 percent of the vote and 120 seats; PKB (National Awakening Party), 12 per- cent and 51 seats; PPP (Development Unity Party),10 percent and 58 seats; and PAN (National Message Party), 7 percent and 34 seats; PBB (Star and Moon Party), 2 percent and 13 seats; and PK (Partai Keadilan, Justice Party), 1.4 percent and 7 seats.
THE JUSTICE PARTY
As shown by the election result above, the Justice Party (Partai Keadilan, or PK) is still a small party. It won 1.4 percent of the vote and seven seats in par- liament. But with our fresh vision and solidity, we believe that we will play a significant role in the future Indonesian political arena.
Many larger political parties are now splitting apart. But PK appears solid, with no internal rifts. According to many observers, we are able to hold together because we are modest in size. But is there necessarily a correlation between solidity and size? After all, the first party to break apart in the era of reform was the small PRD (Democratic People’s Party). Another small party, PDKB (Love Nation Democratic Party) also split up. PDKB has had five legislators in the DPR (House of Representatives) and only 50,000 supporters; PK, by contrast, has seven legislators and 14 million supporters. Despite being small, PDKB could not maintain its unity. Besides size, there are other factors in maintaining solidity, such as vision and platform.
For 2004, PK intends to campaign on a platform of combating corruption, violence and injustice. We will work hand in hand with all Indonesians to prevent the country from breaking apart, and from descending into chaos and insecurity. PK also wants to be a pioneer in upholding Islamic values within a framework of national unity and integrity. We must work hard to ensure the real voice of Islam is heard in Indonesia and even in the world at large.We must speak out boldly in defense of a dynamic, moderate Islam—an Islam that upholds the sanctity of human life, reaches out to the oppressed, respects men and women alike, and insists on the fellowship of all humankind. Such is the true Islam of the Prophet, we believe, that some are now seeking to destroy.
To realize our dream is not easy. It is a journey of thousand miles. We understand that PK is only one tiny element within the many components of Indonesian society. So we must offer special values. If we don’t have unity and integrity within our own party, how can we offer it to the people of Indonesia?
For Muslims, political activity is not to gain power but to serve the people. Power is not an end in itself. So we aim not to twist arms or stab in the back those who aspire to serve, but to cooperate. Our members come from diverse backgrounds, intellectually, ethnically and culturally—and each has a contribution to make. Diversity is from God and natural, characteristic of Indonesia’s own diver- sity. We direct our own diversity to achieve positive synergy that can benefit the country and help our party to grow.
The next question is: What should we do with this synergy? We will not co-opt or oppress people, or repeat the tragedies of Suharto’s New Order, but aim for the prosperity and dignity of the nation as a whole. We do not aim to lead the nation to poverty and backwardness. Good causes are achieved through good means. Through the mistaken belief that ends justify means, parties dissolve into infight- ing and fracture. As the public can observe, parties that cannot maintain unity can hardly bring Indonesia together as a country.
WEAKNESSES
In spite of the above strengths, we face certain chal- lenges. First, we are a new party, but to win we must be known across the entire country. Most Indonesians still know nothing about us, or they tend to have strong historical allegiances to certain parties—they are inclined toward what is familiar. Second, PK is supported mostly by young people, and Indonesians do not really trust the young. Many elder people still don’t have faith in us, no matter what we tell or show them.
Third, PK is a party that is very strict about morals and morality, and we will reject those who will tarnish the party. A branch that is cut from a tree and planted to produce quick harvest will quickly die. Similarly, popular leaders who are involved in corruption and collusion will crumble sooner or later. To consistently uphold morality in Indonesian politics is a major struggle for us, because the political culture is accustomed to corruption, collusion, money politics and political terror. To some people, politics is a means to cheat and to use terror and money to get their own way. Many con- sider us to be a good party because we avoid such practices, but also are afraid of our winning—they are not ready for clean leaders. Thus our strength, our cleanness, is also a weakness, because people are afraid to vote for us.
Fourth, our financial condition poses a challenge. We are supported mainly by young people, who do not have ample financial resources. Moreover, unlike many parties, PK does not accept money from corrupt donors and certainly does not use people as “cash cows.” To do so would not only be immoral, but religiously we believe would not bring good- ness. Such financial constraints hinder us from visit- ing all areas of Indonesia to spread our message.
Studies have found that many people— disillusioned by the fragmentation of larger parties for which they voted in 1999—are open to transferring their sup- port in 2004.
Finally, it is unfortunate that in some places many people won’t vote for you unless you pay them. Large parties with huge financial resources know how to exploit this situation. But we won’t change our vision and our mission just to overcome this dif- ficulty.
PK’S REALISTIC TARGET FOR THE 2004 ELECTION
To set a “realistic” target, we judge from both our own growth and the external situation. First, we can see that the number of cadres (of which we keep careful records) has grown considerably, which will lead to an increase in voters. Also, PK members of parliament have proven their high standards of morality and integrity, and thereby achieved recog- nition from society. As late as 1999, PK had no rep- resentatives in parliament to make known the party’s aspirations, identity and qualities.
Studies have found that many people—disillu- sioned by the fragmentation of many of the larger parties for which they voted in 1999—are open to transferring their support in 2004. This phenome- non has occurred across the board, with one excep- tion: PK. PK is still seen as the most solid party and thus will subsequently become a magnet for disillu- sioned voters.
Therefore, barring unforeseen circumstances
(e.g., a major political upset such as a military coup), the number of PK voters will increase. If the elec- toral threshold in the 2004 election is 3 percent, we are very sure that we can pass it.
MILITARY IN POLITICS
PK is a modern party, and desires to see Indonesia as a modern and democratic country in the future. PK is one of the staunchest proponents of military reform.We are firm that the military’s socio-political role must end, and the military and police must return to their roots as professional institutions. The military and police are needed—but militarism is not. A person holding both military and civilian positions can do neither job well.
CONCLUSION
The Justice Party is still a small party, but with our fresh vision and solidity we believe we will play sig- nificant role in Indonesia. Because of our cadres’ quality and professionalism, we are ready to lead Indonesia in 2014.We will continue to campaign on a platform of fighting corruption, violence and injustice, and to uphold Islamic values—the values that have been abused—within a framework of national unity and integrity.
To realize our aspirations is a journey of thousand miles. Such a journey begins with a single step, and we have taken that step by establishing the Justice Party as a community of learning and practice. As mentioned by the other contributors to this Special Report, Indonesia’s political destiny could be like that of Algeria. But it could also be like that of Turkey, where an Islamist party committed to equal- ity and social justice has been elected and has peace- fully taken control of the government. We at the Justice Party are sure this is going to happen, Insya Allah.Wallahuálam Bis Showab.
Hidayat Nurwahid is party president and Zulkieflimansyah is head of economic policy of the Justice Party, Indonesia
Recent years have seen a marked expansion of democratic government in developing countries, and Indonesia is no exception.The end of authoritarian rule began in 1998 with the resignation of President Suharto and the acces-
sion of his vice-president, B. J. Habibie. After more than four decades of authoritarian rule, a parliamen- tary election was held in June 1999. Forty-eight par- ties competed, with 21 winning at least one of the
462 contested seats in parliament. Simultaneous elections were held for legislatures in 26 provinces and more than 300 districts and municipalities. In October, the People’s Consultative Assembly chose a new president and vice president for the 1999-2004 term.
At the national level, the seven most popular par- ties were: PDI-P (Indonesian Democracy Party- Struggle), which won 34 percent of the vote and 153 seats; Golkar, with 22 percent of the vote and 120 seats; PKB (National Awakening Party), 12 per- cent and 51 seats; PPP (Development Unity Party),10 percent and 58 seats; and PAN (National Message Party), 7 percent and 34 seats; PBB (Star and Moon Party), 2 percent and 13 seats; and PK (Partai Keadilan, Justice Party), 1.4 percent and 7 seats.
THE JUSTICE PARTY
As shown by the election result above, the Justice Party (Partai Keadilan, or PK) is still a small party. It won 1.4 percent of the vote and seven seats in par- liament. But with our fresh vision and solidity, we believe that we will play a significant role in the future Indonesian political arena.
Many larger political parties are now splitting apart. But PK appears solid, with no internal rifts. According to many observers, we are able to hold together because we are modest in size. But is there necessarily a correlation between solidity and size? After all, the first party to break apart in the era of reform was the small PRD (Democratic People’s Party). Another small party, PDKB (Love Nation Democratic Party) also split up. PDKB has had five legislators in the DPR (House of Representatives) and only 50,000 supporters; PK, by contrast, has seven legislators and 14 million supporters. Despite being small, PDKB could not maintain its unity. Besides size, there are other factors in maintaining solidity, such as vision and platform.
For 2004, PK intends to campaign on a platform of combating corruption, violence and injustice. We will work hand in hand with all Indonesians to prevent the country from breaking apart, and from descending into chaos and insecurity. PK also wants to be a pioneer in upholding Islamic values within a framework of national unity and integrity. We must work hard to ensure the real voice of Islam is heard in Indonesia and even in the world at large.We must speak out boldly in defense of a dynamic, moderate Islam—an Islam that upholds the sanctity of human life, reaches out to the oppressed, respects men and women alike, and insists on the fellowship of all humankind. Such is the true Islam of the Prophet, we believe, that some are now seeking to destroy.
To realize our dream is not easy. It is a journey of thousand miles. We understand that PK is only one tiny element within the many components of Indonesian society. So we must offer special values. If we don’t have unity and integrity within our own party, how can we offer it to the people of Indonesia?
For Muslims, political activity is not to gain power but to serve the people. Power is not an end in itself. So we aim not to twist arms or stab in the back those who aspire to serve, but to cooperate. Our members come from diverse backgrounds, intellectually, ethnically and culturally—and each has a contribution to make. Diversity is from God and natural, characteristic of Indonesia’s own diver- sity. We direct our own diversity to achieve positive synergy that can benefit the country and help our party to grow.
The next question is: What should we do with this synergy? We will not co-opt or oppress people, or repeat the tragedies of Suharto’s New Order, but aim for the prosperity and dignity of the nation as a whole. We do not aim to lead the nation to poverty and backwardness. Good causes are achieved through good means. Through the mistaken belief that ends justify means, parties dissolve into infight- ing and fracture. As the public can observe, parties that cannot maintain unity can hardly bring Indonesia together as a country.
WEAKNESSES
In spite of the above strengths, we face certain chal- lenges. First, we are a new party, but to win we must be known across the entire country. Most Indonesians still know nothing about us, or they tend to have strong historical allegiances to certain parties—they are inclined toward what is familiar. Second, PK is supported mostly by young people, and Indonesians do not really trust the young. Many elder people still don’t have faith in us, no matter what we tell or show them.
Third, PK is a party that is very strict about morals and morality, and we will reject those who will tarnish the party. A branch that is cut from a tree and planted to produce quick harvest will quickly die. Similarly, popular leaders who are involved in corruption and collusion will crumble sooner or later. To consistently uphold morality in Indonesian politics is a major struggle for us, because the political culture is accustomed to corruption, collusion, money politics and political terror. To some people, politics is a means to cheat and to use terror and money to get their own way. Many con- sider us to be a good party because we avoid such practices, but also are afraid of our winning—they are not ready for clean leaders. Thus our strength, our cleanness, is also a weakness, because people are afraid to vote for us.
Fourth, our financial condition poses a challenge. We are supported mainly by young people, who do not have ample financial resources. Moreover, unlike many parties, PK does not accept money from corrupt donors and certainly does not use people as “cash cows.” To do so would not only be immoral, but religiously we believe would not bring good- ness. Such financial constraints hinder us from visit- ing all areas of Indonesia to spread our message.
Studies have found that many people— disillusioned by the fragmentation of larger parties for which they voted in 1999—are open to transferring their sup- port in 2004.
Finally, it is unfortunate that in some places many people won’t vote for you unless you pay them. Large parties with huge financial resources know how to exploit this situation. But we won’t change our vision and our mission just to overcome this dif- ficulty.
PK’S REALISTIC TARGET FOR THE 2004 ELECTION
To set a “realistic” target, we judge from both our own growth and the external situation. First, we can see that the number of cadres (of which we keep careful records) has grown considerably, which will lead to an increase in voters. Also, PK members of parliament have proven their high standards of morality and integrity, and thereby achieved recog- nition from society. As late as 1999, PK had no rep- resentatives in parliament to make known the party’s aspirations, identity and qualities.
Studies have found that many people—disillu- sioned by the fragmentation of many of the larger parties for which they voted in 1999—are open to transferring their support in 2004. This phenome- non has occurred across the board, with one excep- tion: PK. PK is still seen as the most solid party and thus will subsequently become a magnet for disillu- sioned voters.
Therefore, barring unforeseen circumstances
(e.g., a major political upset such as a military coup), the number of PK voters will increase. If the elec- toral threshold in the 2004 election is 3 percent, we are very sure that we can pass it.
MILITARY IN POLITICS
PK is a modern party, and desires to see Indonesia as a modern and democratic country in the future. PK is one of the staunchest proponents of military reform.We are firm that the military’s socio-political role must end, and the military and police must return to their roots as professional institutions. The military and police are needed—but militarism is not. A person holding both military and civilian positions can do neither job well.
CONCLUSION
The Justice Party is still a small party, but with our fresh vision and solidity we believe we will play sig- nificant role in Indonesia. Because of our cadres’ quality and professionalism, we are ready to lead Indonesia in 2014.We will continue to campaign on a platform of fighting corruption, violence and injustice, and to uphold Islamic values—the values that have been abused—within a framework of national unity and integrity.
To realize our aspirations is a journey of thousand miles. Such a journey begins with a single step, and we have taken that step by establishing the Justice Party as a community of learning and practice. As mentioned by the other contributors to this Special Report, Indonesia’s political destiny could be like that of Algeria. But it could also be like that of Turkey, where an Islamist party committed to equal- ity and social justice has been elected and has peace- fully taken control of the government. We at the Justice Party are sure this is going to happen, Insya Allah.Wallahuálam Bis Showab.
Hidayat Nurwahid is party president and Zulkieflimansyah is head of economic policy of the Justice Party, Indonesia
